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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=91TT0322>
<title>
Feb. 11, 1991: Good Riddance To Arms
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
Feb. 11, 1991 Saddam's Weird War
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
THE GULF WAR, Page 39
THE ALLIES
Good Riddance To Arms
</hdr><body>
<p>Why two economic superpowers, Germany and Japan, are such
reluctant warriors
</p>
<p>By James Walsh--Reported by Daniel Benjamin/Bonn and Barry
Hillenbrand/Tokyo, with other bureaus
</p>
<p> How unlike Teutonic Knights or samurai, mutter their
critics, are these modern specimens of great powers. When the
call to battle Saddam Hussein bugled forth, Germany and Japan
begged off as conscientious objectors. Though they have
flourished and grown rich behind U.S. defense cordons, both
countries quailed at the call to arms. War with Iraq? The wolf
that ate Kuwait was not at their door. Deterring aggression?
Bonn's attitude amounted to "Let George do it." Standing fast
by a security partner? Washington found it apt that Tokyo is
ringing in the Year of the Sheep.
</p>
<p> So stand the accused. Overlooked somehow in their summary
court-martial, however, has been 50 years of history. Five
decades ago, Germany and Japan were roundly reviled as the
scourges of civilization, martial societies gone almost
irredeemably mad. Amid the ashes of 1945, the two Axis allies
were warned against ever taking a gun beyond their borders
again. Children were taught that their fathers and grandfathers
committed the worst crimes known to man. The governments were
forced to rely on other nations for protection. War was wrong.
Gradually, as the lessons sank in, both countries were allowed
to rebuild their armed forces, but under some of the strictest
self-defense limits in the world.
</p>
<p> Should the two nations be tempted to lapse, moreover, any
number of watchdogs stand ready to pounce. Japan's Asian
neighbors tend to bark at the least whiff of what they suspect
might be "resurgent militarism." Last March, Major General
Henry Stackpole, the commander of U.S. Marines based in Japan,
defended America's troop presence there: "No one wants a
rearmed, resurgent Japan. So we are a cap in the bottle, so to
speak."
</p>
<p> When the two Germanys prepared to unite last year, one
allied anxiety concerned what kind of extraterritorial
stormtrooper the reborn Fatherland might prove to be. In July,
Nicholas Ridley, then Britain's Secretary of State for Trade
and Industry, publicly stated what many privately thought when
he said that proposals for a European Community common currency
were "a German racket designed to take over the whole of
Europe." World War II, he added, was "useful to remember."
</p>
<p> Now Germany and Japan are being assailed for their pacifism.
Americans and Britons complain that Germany and Japan have
failed to measure up as allies and as responsible members of
the world community: despite their own vested interests in the
gulf, they are not doing their fair share.
</p>
<p> Stung by the criticism, Bonn and Tokyo in late January
ponied up sizable additional aid: $5.5 billion and $9 billion,
respectively. Germany also pledged to send antiaircraft missile
units to Turkey and defensive military equipment to Israel.
Japan assigned five military C-130 transport aircraft to
repatriate Asian workers fleeing the war zone. Yet so powerful
is their nations' abhorrence of war that Chancellor Helmut Kohl
and Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu risked political rebellion.
</p>
<p> Why? The victors of 1945 cultivated pacifism among their
defeated enemies with a will. Under its U.S.-drafted 1946
constitution, Japan "forever" forswore recourse to "the threat
or use of force" internationally. Less sweeping strictures went
into West Germany's 1949 Basic Law, the covenant serving united
Germany today. Both nations have fervently embraced pacifism.
A January opinion poll asked Germans which country ranked as
their ideal; 40% chose neutral Switzerland.
</p>
<p> Iraq's invasion of Kuwait last August knocked this
comfortable quietism sideways. Kohl and Kaifu struggled to live
up to allied expectations, but each soon found himself in a
political minefield. Kohl had to back off from a suggestion
that German soldiers might legally go to the gulf. Kaifu
proposed to dispatch troops to noncombat support roles well
behind the lines; Japan erupted like a reactivated Mount Fuji.
</p>
<p> Kaifu's proposal, the Japanese decided, went beyond all
bounds of the taboo on military missions abroad, and the
proposal was stillborn. His new idea, of rescuing refugees with
C-130s, may also get shot down--though he insists that he is
legally free to send them without Diet approval.
</p>
<p> Yet opinion in both countries is slowly changing. While the
majority of Germans still strongly oppose participation in the
war, they are beginning to ponder their country's global role.
To many Japanese, the crisis is no longer just taigan no taji--a fire on the other side of the river. Support for the U.S.
has firmed up, reports a leading opposition Diet member. Says
she: "We take it seriously that America, our longtime ally, is
in trouble."
</p>
<p> Washington has not insisted that German and Japanese
soldiers help confront Saddam. But when Germans began debating
just what common-defense obligations they owed Turkey, a senior
Bush Administration official says, it amounted to "shaving at
the edges of their NATO commitment." London was also
disgruntled. Alan Clark, Britain's junior Defense Minister,
noted that "people plugging the Euro-unity notion"--he meant
Germans--have envisaged a common defense policy. But "at the
first major test," said Clark, "they ran for the cellars."
</p>
<p> However understandable the inhibitions of Germany and Japan
may be, their allies have a point. The time may have arrived
when these two nations must begin to find a constructive
international role commensurate with their economic strength.
Some prominent Japanese agree that the country's pacifism has
become in practice isolationism. Kohl echoed that view with
respect to his country last week. Addressing the Bundestag, the
Chancellor said, "There can be no safe little corner in world
politics for us Germans. We have to face up to our
responsibility, whether we like it or not."
</p>
</body></article>
</text>